Posts Tagged: Hispanic population
A majority of English-speaking Hispanics in the U.S. are bilingual
Latino adults who are the children of immigrant parents are most likely to be bilingual. Among this group, 50% are bilingual, according to our 2013 survey. As of 2012, Latinos with immigrant parents (defined as those born outside the U.S. or those born in Puerto Rico) made up roughly half (48%) of all U.S.-born Hispanics. By comparison, a third (35%) of Hispanic immigrants are bilingual, as are a quarter (23%) of those with U.S.-born parents.
Widespread bilingualism has the potential to affect future generations of
Bilingualism is measured in our National Surveys of Latinos by asking Hispanic adults to self-assess their language abilities. Respondents rated their ability to carry on a conversation in Spanish and how well they can read a book or newspaper written in Spanish. The same questions are posed about their English-speaking ability. Bilingualism is linked to age. Some 42% of Hispanics ages 18 to 29 are bilingual. That share falls to about a third among Hispanics ages 30 to 49 and ages 50 to 64, but rises again, to 40%, among those ages 65 and older.
Due in part to bilingualism, in 2013 Spanish was the most spoken non-English language in the U.S., used by 35.8 million Hispanics in the U.S. plus an additional 2.6 million non-Hispanics. Overall, three-in-four Hispanics (73%) ages 5 and older speak Spanish in their homes, when including those who are bilingual.
Given the expected demographic changes, what is the future of language use among Hispanics in the United States? According to Census Bureau projections, the share of Hispanics who speak only English at home will rise from 26% in 2013 to 34% in 2020. Over this time period, the share who speak Spanish at home will decrease from 73% to 66%.
And as a sign of the times, Spanglish, an informal hybrid of both languages, is widely used among Hispanics ages 16 to 25. Among these young Hispanics, 70% report using Spanglish, according to an analysis we did in 2009..
Source: Published originally on pewresearch.org, A majority of English-speaking Hispanics in the U.S. are bilingual by Jens Manuel Krogstad and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera.
Is The U.S. Hispanic Market A Growth Market?
While the market definition has generally expanded during the last 10-15 years to include native-born second- and third-generation Hispanics, the “core” Hispanic market has been characterized by the unacculturated and partially acculturated Latin American immigrants who have represented separate and distinct market opportunities for companies to reach and sell to. The defining characteristic of this market has been the growth and use of Spanish language media and advertising, predominantly consumed by this “core” Spanish-speaking immigrant consumer.
Over the last 30 years, the Hispanic market has exploded, growing from 14.8 million in 1980 to 55 million in 2014, according to Pew Research, but 55% of that growth was driven by immigration in the 1980s and '90s that exceeded U.S. births. However, around 2004, immigration into the U.S. by Hispanics started a steady decline. In 2016, only 28% of the roughly 1 million annual immigrants into the U.S. were Hispanic. Starting in 2010, Asian immigration started to outpace Hispanic immigration.
Looking ahead, the percentage of Hispanic immigration is forecast to decrease steadily to 26% and potentially drop down below 25% by 2020, Pew found. This could trend even farther downward considering the current political environment in the United States.
So, while new Hispanic immigration into the U.S. is still forecast to top 250,000 per year, another trend, reverse immigration, primarily among Mexicans returning from the U.S., is forecast to continue at levels of approximately 200,000 per year. The result is that net Hispanic immigration into the U.S. will be anemic at best, with growth rates of less than 0.4% per year or less than 80,000 per year. This is not a growth market.
While geopolitical and economic factors may change this trend, the next five years look bleak for “core” Hispanic market population growth in sharp contrast to the go-go '80s and '90s when the market grew rapidly.
Overall, the U.S. Hispanic population is forecast to grow, but that growth will come primarily from U.S. births. Which leads to a critical question: Is this U.S.-born Hispanic market a separate and distinct market from the foreign-born immigrant Hispanic market? This question goes to the heart of the future of Hispanic marketing. I would argue that this U.S.-born, acculturated Hispanic is separate and distinct and the strategies and tactics that worked for marketing to immigrant Hispanics the last 30 years will not work for native Hispanics.
The numbers paint a very clear picture: there are two Hispanic markets — one that is stagnant and aging and one that is growing and getting younger. As I've argued numerous times over the years, the old way of Hispanic marketing is becoming irrelevant. A new way forward is required to address this new vibrant market. A new Hispanic market requires a new approach to Hispanic marketing.
Source: Published originally on mediapost.com as Is The U.S. Hispanic Market A Growth Market? by Jose Villa, May 25, 2017.
Immigrants arriving in the US
Hispanics’ expectations and planning for long-term services: 5 key points you should know
The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research recently released a report on Hispanics' attitudes and experiences with LTSS in America. This report is part of a series of studies exploring attitudes and personal experiences with LTSS in the United States. The 2015 study included 1,735 interviews with a nationally representative sample of adults age 40 and older, including oversamples of 419 Hispanics.
Here are five key takeaways from the report:
- The majority of Hispanics age 40-plus in the survey anticipate needing help with LTSS — eating, dressing, bathing, cooking, getting around, etc. In fact, 59 percent of Hispanics age 40-plus expect to need LTSS in the future, which is similar to other racial and ethnic groups. Hispanics with prior experience in providing, receiving and financing LTSS were more likely to report needing LTSS in the future relative to those without this experience. Hispanics who rated their health as poor or fair were more likely to expect needing LTSS.
- While a majority of Hispanics age 40-plus expect that they will need care in the future, similar to other racial and ethnic groups, few took the necessary actions to plan for their future LTSS needs. Nearly 6 in 10 Hispanics have done little to no planning, compared with 12 percent that have done a great deal or quite a bit of planning for their future LTSS needs. Nearly half (47 percent) of Hispanics compared with 32 percent of non-Hispanics said they were concerned about not planning enough for their future LTSS needs.
- Educational attainment and income are associated with increased planning for LTSS. Hispanics age 40-plus with more than a high school education are more likely than those with a high school degree to have discussed their LTSS preferences with their families, looked into private long-term care insurance or sought out information on LTSS and other aging issues. Those with household incomes of at least $50,000 are more likely to report having done some planning for their LTSS needs relative to those with less than $50,000.
- Confidence in the ability to pay for the cost of LTSS is of great concern. The typical cost of LTSS per year in a nursing home is about $91,250, and $43,200 for assisted living. The survey found that 40 percent of Hispanics compared with 29 percent of non-Hispanics lacked confidence that they would have the financial resources to pay for their future LTSS needs.
- Hispanics age 40-plus are supportive of several policies designed to reduce the financial burden of LTSS:
- Seventy-one percent support tax breaks to encourage savings and 67 percent support tax breaks for purchasing private long-term care insurance.
- Sixty-seven percent of Hispanics are supportive of a government-administered long-term care insurance program.
Hispanics are a growing segment of our population, but this group is not alone in trying to figure out how best to pay for LTSS. These findings point to a broader need to raise awareness about the risk of needing LTSS and why we need a range of innovative and bold solutions to meet people's needs and preferences as they age.
Source: AARP, Hispanics' expectations and planning for long-term services & supports: 5 key points you should know, byJean Accius, April 19, 2016.
The changing geography of Hispanic children and families
The communities in which Hispanics live are also increasingly diverse, both in location and character. The characteristics of the communities in which Latino children and families live and grow up have implications for their well-being, both positive and negative. For example, the communities in which children and families live can determine the type and quality of schools that children attend, the availability of family and other social networks, the availability and accessibility of social services, access to healthy food and green space, and exposure to violence.
Where Hispanics live
Notably, many Hispanics have lived in certain parts of the United States for centuries, with roots reaching back prior to statehood. Others immigrated to various regions across the United States or are descended from these immigrants. Because of this history, Hispanics have generally been concentrated in certain states and cities:
The Southwest: Many Hispanics live in the areas of the Southwest that became states in the 1800s—in particular, California, Texas, and Arizona. Nearly half (46 percent) of U.S. Hispanics, in 2014, lived in two states: California and Texas.
Gateway cities: Many Hispanics also live in cities that have served as arrival sites, at various points in time, for large numbers of immigrants from Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba, among other countries. These include large urban areas such as Los Angeles, Houston, Miami, Chicago, and New York City.
Since the 1990s, Hispanics have become increasingly geographically distributed across the United States. For example, some of the fastest growth in the Hispanic population between 1990 and 2010 occurred in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia. Currently, cities in the Southeast, such as Charlotte, N.C., have the highest rates of Hispanic growth in the United States. Moreover, Hispanics also increasingly live in different types of communities—that is, they are less likely to live in city centers and are more likely to live in rural areas and suburban towns. Since 1990, the Hispanic population in rural areas of the United States has more than doubled.
The Hispanic population is relatively large, and the movement of Latinos into rural and suburban areas alters the demographic landscape of the nation substantially. In contrast to older immigration patterns, some recent Hispanic immigrant groups have bypassed traditional urban gateway cities and have settled directly into rural and suburban communities. These newer patterns are playing a critical role in counteracting the population decline that has been occurring in many parts of rural United States.
Drivers of Hispanic geographic diversity
A large body of research has focused on the changing geography of Hispanics in the United States and describes the types of communities in which Hispanics live. Over the past few decades, these communities have been classified primarily based on three factors:
- the size of the Hispanic population,
- the rate of growth of the Hispanic population, and
- whether the area is rural, suburban, or urban.
New or emerging communities are umbrella terms that refer to communities that have experienced an influx of Hispanics since the 1990s. Hispanics in established gateway cities are often compared to their counterparts in rural or suburban emerging destinations across ranging dimensions, including, for example, exposure to violence, residential segregation, and health.
However, emerging communities can also occur in large cities that have preexisting Hispanic populations. For example, in New York City—a city with strong immigrant ties and well-established Puerto Rican and Dominican populations—the number of residents of Mexican heritage has increased six-fold since 1990, from about 56,000 in 1990 to 354,000 in 2014. Thus, for Mexican-origin Hispanics, New York City is an emerging community.
Source: National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families, The Changing Geography of Hispanic Children and Families, by Kimberly Turner, Elizabeth Wildsmith, Lina Guzman, and Marta Alvira-Hammond, January 2016.