President Donald Trump campaigned on seven major issues, two of which involved migration: have the United States build and Mexico pay for a wall on the 2,000-mile Mexico-U.S. border, and deport the country's 11 million unauthorized foreigners,* over half of whom are Mexican. He has also promised to reverse President Barack Obama's executive orders that provide temporary legal status to some unauthorized foreigners, and to "put American workers first" in migration policymaking.
Since winning the election, Trump has modified some of his positions, notably announcing that deportation efforts would be focused on 2 million unauthorized foreigners convicted of crimes in the United States.
Trump's focus on unauthorized migration during the campaign has had several effects that may prove long-lasting, including polarizing public opinion about what to do about immigration in general and unauthorized foreigners in particular. Migration may join abortion and guns on the list of issues that deeply divide Americans.
Unauthorized foreigners account for a quarter of the 44 million foreign-born U.S. residents. The remainder includes 19 million naturalized U.S. citizens, 12 million lawful immigrants, and almost 2 million lawful temporary visitors such as students and guest workers (Brown and Stepler 2016).
The number of unauthorized foreigners rose rapidly from the 1990s through the mid-2000s, peaking at 12 million in 2007 before declining during and after the 2008-2009 recession (Passel and Cohn 2016a) (fig. 1). Some 8 million unauthorized foreigners are in the U.S. labor force (fig. 1), comprising 5% of a 160-million-strong national workforce that also includes 20 million lawful foreign-born workers (Passel and Cohn 2016b). In 2014, unauthorized workers accounted for 9% of California's workforce.
Between 2007 and 2014, the number of unauthorized U.S. residents who were born in Mexico fell by a million from 7 million to 6 million, indicating that departures have been exceeding arrivals. That shift is part of a larger trend of fewer new unauthorized foreigners: In 2014, 66% of unauthorized foreigners had been in the country for 10 years or longer, compared with 41% in 2005 (Passel and Cohn 2016a).
Agriculture has the highest share of unauthorized workers of any major industry. Based on data broken out by industry category, about 17% of those employed in agriculture were unauthorized in 2014, followed by 13% in construction and 9% in hospitality. According to data on occupation categories, 26% of those with farming occupations were unauthorized, followed by 15% in construction and 9% each in production and services. Dependence on unauthorized workers is high in certain areas for instance, unauthorized workers account for over 50% of fruit pickers in California.
There are two major policy approaches to deal with unauthorized migrants: enforcement-only, and comprehensive reforms. The latter generally involve three components: enforcement, a path to legalization, and guest worker provisions. Congress has considered multiple proposals of both types in the past decade, but none have become law.
In December 2005, the House of Representatives approved an enforcement-only bill, HR 4437, requiring all employers to verify, using a government database, the legal status of newly hired workers (within a week of hiring) as well as current workers (within 6 years of the bill becoming law). Suspected unauthorized workers would have been required to contact the government to correct their records or be fired. HR 4437 also called for penalties on those who supported or shielded unauthorized foreigners, and ordered the construction of 700 miles of fencing along the Mexico-US border.
Despite pressure from farmers and other employers who hire large numbers of unauthorized workers, HR 4437 did not include new or expanded guest worker programs. It prompted strong reactions from Mexico and outcry in many U.S. cities, including the "A Day Without Immigrants" protests on May 1, 2006. Ultimately, the Senate did not pass the bill.
In May 2006, the Senate introduced a comprehensive immigration reform bill, S 2611. The enforcement provisions in S 2611 were similar to those in HR 4427, with the addition of a system of appeals and reimbursement in cases of government error in the verification process.
S 2611 took a tiered approach to legalization, dividing unauthorized foreigners into three groups based on their length of time in the United States. Under the bill, unauthorized foreigners who had been in the country for at least 5 years (estimated at 7 million people) could become "probationary immigrants" by meeting certain conditions, and would be eligible for regular immigrant visas after 6 more years of U.S. work and tax payments (Migration News 2006). Unauthorized foreigners in the country for between 2 and 5 years (roughly 3 million people) could receive a 3-year temporary lawful work status, but they would be required to return to their countries of origin within 3 years and re-enter the US legally a so-called touchback requirement. Unauthorized foreigners in the country for fewer than 2 years would be required to leave.
S 2611 also provided for a new large-scale H-2C guest worker program. Employers in any U.S. industry could "attest" that they need to hire migrants, and a foreigner outside the United States with a job offer from such an employer could have paid $500 and obtained a 6-year work permit. Guest workers could change jobs if they received an offer from another employer that had completed the attestation process.
President George W. Bush supported S 2611, but House Republicans did not support the legalization provisions, and the bill died. A similar comprehensive bill, S 1348, was introduced in 2007. Although it included "trigger" provisions, meaning that stepped-up enforcement would have to be deemed effective before new guest worker or legalization programs could begin, it did not pass the Senate.
Obama to Trump
After his 2008 election, Obama said that immigration was not a first-term issue, and instead tackled the economic recession in 2009 and health care in 2010. However, during his first term, Obama met with migrant rights groups frequently and urged them to persuade Congress to act on comprehensive immigration reforms (Migration News 2009). Immigration reform also featured in his 2010 State of the Union speech.
Midterm elections in November 2010 increased the clout of Republicans in Congress, changing the conversation from comprehensive to piecemeal immigration reform. Piecemeal reform meant reviving efforts to pass measures that had bipartisan support, including the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act (introduced several times, first in 2001), which provided a path to citizenship for unauthorized foreigners brought to the United States as children; and the Agricultural Job Opportunity Benefits and Security Act (AgJOBS, originally introduced in 2003) to legalize unauthorized farm workers and make it easier to hire guest workers. Both measures had been blocked in the Democrat-controlled Congress by proponents of comprehensive immigration reform who feared that dealing with the "easy" aspects of immigration reform would become a substitute for comprehensive action.
While campaigning for re-election in June 2012, President Obama created by executive order the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which has so far granted 2-year work and residence permits to 741,000 unauthorized foreigners who arrived in the United States before age 16, are between the ages of 16 and 30, lived illegally in the United States at least 5 years, and have a high school diploma or are honorably discharged veterans.
Many hoped that Obama's re-election in 2012 would encourage Congress to approve comprehensive immigration reform. A bipartisan group of eight senators introduced S 744, an immigration reform bill that increased border and interior enforcement, created a 13-year path to U.S. citizenship for most unauthorized foreigners, and revised and expanded guest worker programs. The Senate approved S 744 by a 68-32 vote in June 2013, but House leaders said they preferred an incremental or piecemeal approach to immigration policymaking, and did not act (Migration News 2013).
With no comprehensive immigration package attracting majority support in Congress, President Obama expanded DACA after the November 2014 elections and proposed the Deferred Action for Parental Accountability (DAPA) program, which would have given temporary legal status to unauthorized foreigners whose children were legal residents. Half of the states sued to block DAPA, and it was not implemented (Rural Migration News 2016).
Unknowns under Trump
During his campaign, President Trump pledged to deport unauthorized foreigners, so it can be expected that he will step up enforcement at the border and move aggressively to remove foreigners convicted of crimes. What is not yet clear is how fast an increase in enforcement could be implemented for instance, such measures may require congressional funding appropriations.
Much of the debate about enforcement inside U.S. borders is likely to involve relationships between federal, state and local governments to identify unauthorized foreigners.
Under the Secure Communities policy that began in 2008, state and local police shared the fingerprints of all persons arrested with the FBI and Department of Homeland Security (DHS). If suspected unauthorized foreigners were detected, DHS could ask state and local police to hold the person until DHS agents arrived.
Secure Communities was ended in 2014 by the Obama Administration amidst complaints from migrant communities that "innocent activities," such as being stopped at a DUI checkpoint while driving to go shopping, could result in deportation. Many states and cities went further, declaring themselves to be "sanctuaries" and ordering their law enforcement agencies not to cooperate with DHS.
Trump has promised to withhold federal funds from sanctuary states and cities, but since his election, some cities have approved resolutions pledging not to cooperate with DHS enforcement efforts even if the result is less federal money.
One area where Trump can act quickly is refugee policy. The president, in consultation with Congress, determines the number of refugees to be resettled in the United States each year, and admitted 85,000 in the 2016 fiscal year. Obama proposed to admit 110,000 refugees in fiscal year 2017, but Trump could reduce or stop refugee admissions.
There are many other migration issues that Trump could tackle administratively. For example, Trump could order DHS to resume the workplace raids in meatpacking and other sectors thought to employ large numbers of unauthorized foreigners, or increase the number of audits of the I-9 forms completed by employers and newly hired workers, which could disrupt sectors that hire large numbers of unauthorized workers, such as agriculture. The Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) laid out 79 actions that the president could take administratively, including closer examination of those seeking student, investor and guest worker visas (CIS 2016).
Some administrative actions that President Trump could take are likely to be controversial. He has promised to rescind some of the executive orders issued by Obama, including the one that created DACA. Many have called on Trump to abstain from fulfilling this pledge, emphasizing that the 741,000 DACA youth have been screened and many are now working lawfully. Trump may allow current temporary DACA status to expire rather than to use the information provided by DACA recipients to target them for removal.
Trump's migration agenda is likely to interact with other agendas, including trade. The number-one source of migrants, Mexico, is also the third largest U.S. trade partner, with two-way trade totaling $584 billion in 2015.
One reason for the upsurge in Mexico-U.S. trade is the North American Free Trade Agreement, a trade agreement that Trump has pledged to re-negotiate. Mexico's oil monopoly PEMEX faces declining production and is seeking foreign partners to invest in new oil fields. Since Trump wants to increase fossil fuel production, there could be a complex negotiation with Mexico involving migration, trade and energy. Similarly, with China the number two source of migrants and also a target of Trump's ire for running a trade surplus with the United States, there could be negotiations with China that link migration and economic issues.
Trump's election was a surprise, and there may be similar surprises about his migration policies. His campaign rhetoric changed the vocabulary of politics in many areas, including migration, but it is not yet clear if this changed rhetoric will also change migration policy. The United States is likely to remain the country with the world's largest immigrant population, but the fate of the 11 million unauthorized foreigners is uncertain. The extremes of removing most of them at one end, and putting most on a path to U.S. citizenship at the other, are less likely than an in-between solution that gives most unauthorized foreigners some type of temporary legal status.
It's difficult to think about Los Angeles in the 1970s and not envision smog blanketing the city. I remember it vividly. My father, who worked downtown, would often talk about the thick haze, the dirty air. And on the occasions I ventured into the city center as a child, I experienced the pollution smothering our home firsthand.
From the beginning, I had a keen awareness of Los Angeles's severe pollution problem, and later on, after my family moved to Colombia for my father's job, the issue became even clearer to me. From air pollution and dirty water to energy and water shortages, my childhood was shaped by environmental problems.
Later on, not long after I began working as an attorney at NRDC, in 1999, I noticed that the U.S. Latino community in particular was incredibly impacted by the many environmental issues plaguing the country. What's more, I saw that despite not having a lot of information about these problems or support to deal with them, Latinos were committed to finding a solution. I saw the same type of awareness that I remember so clearly from my own childhood—and it has shaped my work at NRDC ever since.
Today, my colleagues and I are proud to publish a new, comprehensive report on U.S. Latinos and climate change, the most pressing environmental issue of our time.
Perhaps most important, however, is that it demonstrates that Latinos care about the impacts of climate change—and they want action now. Latino engagement on the issue, the report finds, can help secure a safer climate and a cleaner energy future.
There are more than 56 million Latinos living in the United States today, up from more than 50 million in 2010. This rapidly changing segment of our population is expected to grow from nearly 18 percent of all U.S. inhabitants in 2015 to 29 percent by 2060. At the same time, Latinos are disproportionately vulnerable to climate-related threats because of where they live, their occupations, and the financial challenges they face.
More than 60 percent of U.S. Latinos live in California, Texas, Florida, and New York, where severe heat, air pollution, and flooding pose greater risks than they do in other states. And because a large number of Latinos work outdoors in crop and livestock production, construction, and landscaping, they are more susceptible to the impacts of extreme heat fueled by climate change. Meanwhile, millions of Latinos across the country don't have access to health insurance and are ineligible for federal disaster assistance that would help them recover from an extreme weather event.
In the face of these challenges, addressing climate change presents a tremendous opportunity. Despite the great diversity of Latinos in the United States, they are overwhelmingly united by a desire for action on climate. In fact, 9 out of 10 Latinos polled in 2014 said they wanted the government to take action to protect future generations from the dangers of climate change. And 8 in 10 expressed support for President Obama's efforts to reduce the carbon pollution that's driving climate change.
Significantly, a majority U.S. Latinos don't believe there is a trade-off between protecting the environment and fostering economic growth. They understand that clean energy and energy efficiency come with the economic benefit of lowering electricity bills and creating millions of jobs. And even when clean energy comes with an initial cost, Latinos are still highly supportive.
Latino culture has always honored the environment―from their indigenous roots, where nature holds a sacred space, to family traditions that instill a duty to care for and protect the earth. It should come as no surprise, then, that this incredibly diverse group stands with strong commitment and unity when it comes to tackling climate change—and I'm heartened and humbled by this passion.
I've come a long way from the smog days of my childhood in Los Angeles. What motivates me more now are my kids and the knowledge that we could be doing so much more, so much better. But we're not, simply because we choose not to. My job, I feel, is to bring more people into the fold—people like the 56 million Latinos in the United States. Because if enough individuals bring an awareness of climate change and start demanding real action, I have to believe that others will listen.
Source: Published originally on NRDC Nuestro Futuro: Latinos a Growing Force for Climate Action, by Adrianna Quintero, October 13, 2016.
Recent studies prove that spending power by the Hispanic demographic is growing faster than that of non-Latino groups.
The number of Hispanic households is growing faster than ever, making a larger consumer group. This also means that there is a higher spending power among Latinos in America that businesses will model some of their strategies toward.
Between 2012 and 2015, Latino households represented about 40 percent of the growth in spending for household equipment. In the same time period, Hispanic households accounted for 25 percent of the growth in spending for new cars and trucks.
Data for Latino Household Aggregated Spending
Latino household accounted for double-digit shares of growth in aggregated expenditures:
- 20 percent growth in furniture expenses
- 18 percent growth in major household appliances
- 17 percent growth in audio-visual equipment and services
- 16 percent growth in small appliances
Data for Latino Household Use of Financial Services
In the past 10 years, Latino households have accounted for the rapid growth of a wide selection of financial services. Hispanic households have spent more on financial services than any other demographic in the U.S.
Hispanic Contribution to Growth in Financial Industry
Between 2005 and 2015, the use of credit cards by Latinos have grown 11 times faster than it did in non-Latino households. Data shows that it grew by 44 percent, whereas other households only grew by 4 percent.
In the same time period, there were 5.1 million more Latino credit card holders which accounted for about 49 percent of the growth in the total amount of consumers using credit cards.
Hispanic Consumer Trends Impact Foodservice Industry
Not only are Hispanic consumers contributing to the growth of the financial industry, the demographic also makes a huge impact on the foodservice industry.
A recent Hispanic Foodservice Consumer Trend Report says that Latinos are expected to make up nearly 30 percent of the U.S. population. What that means is that, the Latino demographic will shape the growth of the industry because as the population grows, so will its usage of food.
Forty-one percent of Hispanic consumers account for the usage of foodservices twice a week.
Family style eating places benefit the most from Latino consumers since Hispanics generally like to eat meals with their families.
Franchises will benefit from the growth in Latino spending power should they add popular Hispanic meals and flavors to their menus.
Source: Published originally on LatinPost.com Latino Spending Power Reaches All-Time High, Surpasses Non-Latino Groups' , by Claudia Balthazar, August 12, 2016.
En esta época del año, probablemente está pensando “¡Ahh, pecanas!”
Y en particular, “¡Ah, tarta de pecanas!
Nos encantan nuestras nueces. Los Estados Unidos producen un 80 a 95 por ciento de la producción mundial de nueces y la mayoría se cultivan en Georgia, de acuerdo con el Centro de Investigación e Información de Frutas y Nueces de la UC Davis, conocido por sus siglas en inglés como FNRIC. En el 2014, EUA produjo 133,165 toneladas de pecanas (con cáscara) con un valor de más de 400 millones de dólares. De esa cantidad, California contribuyó con 2,500 toneladas, valoradas en poco más de 10 millones de dólares o menos del 2 por ciento.
“A pesar de que los nogales han existido en California por más de un siglo, la primera huerta comercial en California se estableció a mediados de la década de los 70 en el área de Clovis", menciona FNRIC en su sitio web. “Desde entonces, la producción de pecanas se ha extendido por todo el Valle Central, pero no son tan ampliamente cultivadas como otras nueces (almendras y nuez de castilla) en California. "Las nueces dependen de largos y cálidos veranos para una maduración apropiada”.
La pecana (Carya illinoinensis), la cual es nativa de México y de las regiones sur central y sureste de los Estados Unidos, pertenece a la familia de las juglandáceas, la cual incluye las nueces de castilla y hickory. "Restos de pecanas fueron encontradas en excavaciones arqueológicas en Texas junto a artefactos humanos pertenecientes al 6100 AC", de acuerdo con el Museo Nutcraker. "La pecana, la cual es nativa de Norteamérica, fue encontrada en o cerca de los lechos de ríos y fue parte de la alimentación de los nativos y primeros colonizadores".
“¡Lo más maravilloso de las pecanas es que están deliciosas!”, dice Amy Block Joy, especialista emérita de Extensión Cooperativa de la UC, quien, haciendo honor a su nombre, encuentra “gozo” (Joy) en las pecanas. “Son de mis nueces favoritas”.
“Las pecanas son una excelente fuente de vitamina E y otros antioxidantes, fibras y algunas vitaminas B y también buenas fuentes de potasio, cobre, hierro, magnesio y zinc”, dice Joy, quien posee un doctorado en ciencias de la nutrición de UC Berkeley. “Son una rica fuente de ácido oleico, un ácido graso mono saturado. La pecanas no contienen colesterol”.
Y las nueces son buenas para usted, dijo la experta, resaltando que un estudio publicado recientemente en la revista BMC Medicine indica que consumir una cantidad diaria (por lo menos 20 gramos) de nueces "reduce el riesgo de enfermedades coronarias en un 30 por ciento, el riesgo de cáncer en un 15 por ciento y de muerte prematura en un 22 por ciento”.
Mientras tanto, en todo el país, especialmente en el sur, la tarta de pecana es sinónimo de las fiestas decembrinas. Es un emblema de la cocina sureña, un invento del siglo XIX, que probablemente se originó en los 1800. Harper's Bazaar publicó la que se conoce como la primera receta de tarta de pecanas en 1886. Hoy día, todos los cocineros la claman como suya — agregando de todo desde bourbon a ron, chocolate y ralladura de naranja.
Mi difunta madre, nacida y criada en un rancho de Texas donde los nogales abundaban, atesoraba la tarta de pecanas. Ella siempre lo pronunciaba en inglés como “Peh-CAHN” (nunca como PEE-can) y lo antecedía con la palabra "rico." No de “rico” de millonario, sino de rico de “no coman mucho porque se van involucrar en una relación de amor y odio con sus básculas”. Pero si está delgado y tiene que “pararse dos veces para hacer sombra", como dice el dicho sureño, entonces, ¡ni te preocupes!
¿Sabía que la tarta de pecanas es el postre estatal de Texas y Oklahoma? ¿Y que la pecana es la nuez estatal de Alabama y Arkansas? En Tennessee, se le conoce como la “nuez saludable del estado”. ¡Y así es!
En el hogar de los Garvey, nuestra receta favorita de tarta de pecanas está cargada de nueces — dos tazas. Eso equivale a 66 nueces por taza o un total de 132 pecanas, dice la nutricionista Amy Block Joy, quien sabe cómo incluir las "nueces" en la alimentación. Nosotros sabemos cómo guardar la tarta en la alacena y luego en la mesa festiva.
La inolvidable tarta de pecanas y delicia sureña de los Garvey
Para un molde de 9 pulgadas
3 huevos grandes
1 cucharada de fécula de maíz
1 taza de miel de maíz oscura, Karo
3/4 de taza de azúcar morena empacada suelta (no la apriete)
1 cucharada de azúcar blanca
1 a 2 cucharadas de ron oscuro de buena calidad (nosotros usamos ron jamaicano oscuro Myer)
1/4 taza de mantequilla, derretida
1 cucharadita de extracto de vainilla puro
2 tazas de pecanas tostadas, en mitades solamente
Un molde con corteza de 9 pulgadas de diámetro (la receta más abajo)
Precaliente el horno a 350 grados. Distribuya las pecanas sobre un molde para hornear y tueste a 350 grados durante 6 a 10 minutos. Coloque a un lado. En un tazón mediano, bata los huevos con un batidor de mano de alambre. Agregue la fécula de maíz y mezcle bien.
Agregue la miel de maíz, azúcar, ron, mantequilla y vainilla. Revuelva bien y agregue las pecanas tostadas. Vierta la mezcla en el molde de corteza. Cubra el borde exterior del molde con un pedazo de papel aluminio colocado de manera suelta para prevenir que se dore demasiado.
Hornee a 350 grados durante 50 minutos. A los 40 minutos, retire el papel aluminio del borde y hornee durante otros 10 minutos o hasta que al insertar un cuchillo en el centro salga limpio. El centro debe sentirse ligeramente duro al tacto pero con una consistencia un poco gelatinosa.
Coloque la tarta sobre una rejilla y déjela enfriar a temperatura ambiente durante dos horas antes de servirla.
Corteza para una tarta de 9 pulgadas de diámetro:
1-1/4 harina regular
1-1/2 cucharaditas de azúcar granulada
1/2 cucharadita de sal
1 barra o ½ taza de mantequilla sin sal fría, cortada en pedazos grandes
1/4 taza de agua fría, más una cucharada adicional, si se necesita
En un tazón mediano, combine la harina, sal y azúcar. Amase la mantequilla junto con la harina hasta formar grumos grandes. Rocíe el agua gradualmente sobre la mezcla seca, revolviendo hasta que la masa le permita formar una bola sin deshacerse. Envuelva la masa en envoltura plástica y refrigere durante por lo menos una hora. Extienda la masa en un círculo de 12 a 13 pulgadas de diámetro. Coloque sobre el molde de la tarta dejando que sobresalga ½ pulgada. Pinche el borde de la corteza.
Steven Palomares es uno de esos jóvenes. Como interno en la Granja WOW del 2016, Steven creció cosechando frutas y verduras que entregaba a los restaurantes locales y participó en una clase semanal de administración de negocios.
"Me gusta pensar en este huerto como algo muy importante para la comunidad”, dijo Steven. “Ya que la mayoría en [Oakland] son vecindarios de bajos recursos, esta granja les da acceso a frutas y verduras frescas. También les enseña a los jóvenes habilidades laborales que pueden aplicar en otros trabajos y les instruye un poco más acerca de nutrición”.
Muchos jóvenes hacen eco a los sentimientos de Steven, al obtener habilidades, un propósito, una comunidad y buena comida en los sitios de los que forman parte.
El Programa de Investigación y Educación acerca de la Agricultura Sustentable de la UC conocido por sus siglas como UC SAREP y Extensión Cooperativa del Condado de Los Ángeles de la UC han estado trabajando conjuntamente para entender mejor la forma en la que la Universidad de California puede apoyar la agricultura urbana a través del lente de los participantes jóvenes.
En la actualidad, Extensión Cooperativa de la UC cuenta con dos asesores dedicados a trabajar en la agricultura urbana. Rob Bennaton trabaja como asesor de agricultura urbana en el área de la Bahía y Rachel Surls, como asesora de alimentos sustentables en las granjas urbanas del condado de Los Ángeles. UCCE ofrece un sitio Web con recursos para granjeros urbanos, defensores de la agricultura urbana y quienes establecen las políticas o reglas.
"Nuestra esperanza es que, al escuchar a las personas que trabajan en la agricultura urbana y establecer sociedades con ellas, podamos encontrar maneras significativas y a largo plazo para apoyar su trabajo”, señaló Gail Feenstra, subdirector de UC SAREP. “Ellos comparten muchos de los mismos objetivos de la UC — se enfocan realmente en formar líderes que harán de nuestras ciudades lugares saludables y prósperos para vivir".
Steven Palomares podría ser uno de esos líderes. Steven inició en el 2015 su primer año en la carrera de ciencias biológicas y políticas en la UC Davis y se muestra interesado en realizar un trabajo que integre a las ciencias y política. También en su mente: algún día Steven quiere tener un huerto donde pueda cultivar los ingredientes necesarios para hacer salsa y guacamole.